sábado, 24 de enero de 2015

Book Review Historical Evolution of Honduran Folkdances by David Flores from HondurasWeekly.com



Book Review: The Historical Evolution of Honduran Folkdances


*       Written by  Wendy Griffin February 2013

The dances that today we call Honduran folkdances all have historical origins. Before the publication of David Flores' book Evolución Histórica de la Danza Folklórica Hondureña  (The Historical Evolution of Honduran Folkdances) in 2003, in Honduras only social dances, usually danced by male-female couples, and only the dances of Honduras's mestizo population were included as Honduran folkdances. For example, only these kinds of dances were documented in the registers of the Ministry of Culture's Office of Folklore or danced by the Ministry of Culture's Cuadro Nacional de Danzas Folklóricas (the National Folk Dance group). 

This policy left undocumented most of Honduras' folkdances which were often religious rather than social dances and those danced by Honduras' nine minority Indian and Afro-Honduran groups such as Garifunas, Miskitos, Bay Islanders, Lencas, Maya-Chortis, Nahuas, Pech, Tawahkas, and Tolupanes.

 

Both religious and social dances are included in David's book as are the dances of most of the Honduran Indian and Afro-Honduran groups. as well as the dances of the majority ethnic group in Honduras, known as Ladinos. The book which has 360 pages has over 125 photos, primarily of people dancing the folkdances or playing traditional instruments, although some photos include other aspects of ceremonies, such as the cohune palm (corozo) leaf house used to dance the most important Garifuna ancestor ceremony dugu and the special room for the altar to the ancestor spirits, the guli.

 

David also includes many children's dances, known collectively in Spanish as "rondas infantiles" (circle dances by young children) both of Ladinos and the ethnic minorities. There is a renewed interest internationally in traditional games, wtih an International Federation for Traditional Games being formed in Mexico last year, reported Honduran anthropologist Adalid Martinez. The International Congress of Traditional Games with participants from around the world will be held in San Marcos (Santa Bárbara), Honduras on 5 April 2013 to coincide with the National Festival of Traditional Games held in San Marcos every year.

 

Like in the United States, there are many Honduran children's games which have a song and a dance that accompany them. Some "rondas" in Spanish in Honduras are old traditional games from Spain, while a number of Miskito "rondas" which are sung at Christmastime and played by adults and children are Miskito translations of traditional children's songs and games in English like Here We Go Loopty-loo (Naha di lupdilu), The Muffin Man (El Panadero), Have you Ever Seen a Lassie? (Tuhkta Marin), and London Bridges (sung in English).  

 

Other children's games with songs and dances are special to certain Honduran ethnic groups including Diyu  (Small Sandpiper) of the Garifunas, where children joined hands and danced towards the small sandpipers (diyu) and the large sandpipers (jaradudu) while singing the Diyu  song, and then imitated the movement of the sandpipers by bobbing their heads up and down like the birds while they drink and eat at the beach. The children say the birds dance with them, because the birds run ahead of them on the beach instead of flying away. Rosalina Garcia, a Trujillo Garifuna, remembers playing this game on the beach while coming back with her mother from their fields outside of Trujillo towards Campamento. 

 

Flores's Book Includes the Folkdances of the Ladinos, Honduran Indians and Afro-Hondurans 

Ladino is a broader term than mestizos, because the term Ladino in Honduras now includes descendants of Afro-mestizos usually called mulattos  in historical documents although many were descendants of Indians and Blacks, rather than of the Spanish, as well as mestizos (the mixture of the Spanish with Indians), Indians who lost their language and culture, and descendants of the Spanish. The terms Criollo, Mestizo, and Ladino are explained in David's book, because traditionally Honduran folkdances were known as "danzas criollas" (dances by the descendants of the Spanish who were born in the Americas), when in fact most of the Ladino folkdances in Honduras were danced by poor people of mixed race, including mulattos, mestizos  and sambos  (mixture of Indians and Blacks) and Indians who abandoned their languages and assimilated parts of the mestizo culture (known as indios de habla ladino in colonial documents).

 

By using the term Ladino, as opposed to the traditional terms like criollo and mestizos,  David tries to include those elements of Honduran popular culture  that came partly from Honduran Indians and Afro-Hondurans. New studies of the colonial period in Central America indicate that in many regions of Honduras, including many cities like Choluteca, Olanchito, Yoro, and Juticalpa, the Spanish were a very small minority, and that the largest non-Indian population were the mulattos. Teguicgalpa, like most other cities in the mining districts of Honduras, had a significant mulatto population in the colonial period, including the mulattos  and pardos  (people with dark skin) of Barrio Abajo (near the Choluteca river), Tegucigalpa who built one of Honduras's most beautiful churches -- Los Delores in downtown Tegucigalpa, according to an inscription above the door.

 

According to Honduran historian Dr. Dario Euraque, in Honduras there has been an official policy of "mestizaje"  (that we are all mestizos, descended from the Spanish and Indians) which totally left out the contributions to the economic development of  Honduras and the contributions of Afro-Hondurans and non-Mayan Indians to the popular culture of Honduras. This book represents a major break with that tradition by documenting the contributions of the Indians and Afro-Hondurans in the areas of traditional musical instruments, folk dances, masks, songs and popular religious celebrations, not only among the existing minority ethnic groups, but also among the Ladino majority.      

 

According to studies among the modern Lacandon Mayas of Mexico, they have no word for secular music. The word for music just refers to sacred music which they sang during their religious ceremonies. Early reports of the Spanish for Mexico and Central America also document many Indigenous religious ceremonies accompanied by instrumental music, songs, and dances, often with special costumes, but no social dances. Therefore, by leaving out Honduras's religious folkdances which include for example, the Lenca Guancascos, Garifuna ancestor ceremonies, Maya-Chorti Moors and Christians and Dance of the New Fire, Miskito agricultural dances and Tawahka and Pech dances relating to attracting animals for the hunt, earlier studies of Honduran folk dances completely missed the dances which are tied to pre-Columbian practices in Honduras.

 

David's book documents the transition from pre-Columbian religious dances to colonial period mixing of Pre-columbian Indian, African and European traditions to the modern religious dance celebrations such as the Guancascos in Western Honduras, as well as the continuation of religious dances among the Garifuna which are related to pre-conquest African traditions,  and until recently religious dances among the Pech, the Tawahka and the Miskitos, who were not conquered nor completely converted to Christianity during the colonial period.

 

According to Dr. Euraque, together with the myth of "mestizaje" (that all Hondurans were mestizos), there was also a process of Mayanization of Honduran history, that all Hondurans were descended from Mayan Indians (and the Spanish), even though in the colonial period Maya Chortis extended only about 12 miles from Guatemalan border, according to a 1675 land title. Elementary  school textbooks published in the 1980's and 1990's had no drawings of Honduran Blacks, even though Garifunas and Black Bay Islanders make up about 3 percent of the population, and the Serie Mi Honduras  texts, funded by USAID, taught, "We are all descended from Lenca and Maya Indians."  

 

I asked the mulatto and Garifuna teachers of the North Coast how they felt about teaching that to their students, and one teacher just said, "Do we look like the descendants of the Lencas and the Mayas?"  The series also taught there used to be Tawahkas in Olancho, even though there are still 3 Tawahka villages in Olancho. The Garifunas, Bay Islanders, Pech, Tolupanes, Nahuas, and Miskitos were not even mentioned anywhere in the texts grades 1 through 6 and in the early 1990's not even university students in anthropology classes at the UNAH could name all nine minority ethnic groups currently recognized in Honduras.

 

David's book was the first book produced in Honduras that had photos of all the modern Indian and Afro-Honduran groups of Honduras (Ramon Rivas' book left out the Bay Islanders and Black English speakers). Besides the fact that Hondurans are curious as to what the Honduran Indians and Bay Islanders look like, the photos prove that the Indians indeed still exist and still practice parts of their traditional culture, something that had been doubted even by government officials associated with official institutions in charge of cultural heritage like the Ministry of Culture and the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History. Even for former President Roberto Reina, an UNAH law professor before becoming president, when faced with a march of thousands of Indians and Afro-Hondurans in Tegucigalpa during his presidency, his initial reaction was, "But we are all mestizos."

 

When David began his book in 1995, after he had already been director of the Office of Folklore of the Honduran Ministry of Culture, the first version he lent me to read said, "Unfortunately all the Indian dances of Honduras have died out".  Since I had just written a book on Miskito music and dances, interviewed the Tawahka dance group Mayana Rigni for Honduras This Week while they stayed at my house, and had seen Tawahka, Lenca and Garifuna  dances, David and I began working together to include Honduran Indian and Afro-Honduran dances in his book, eventually documenting about 70 dances on non-Ladino groups in Honduras, half of which are Garifuna dances.

 

Why Indian and Afro-Honduran Folkdances and Music Have Become Endangered

In the 19th and early 20th century, very racist development theories existed, particularly coming from the US, which claimed that the underdevelopment of Latin America was caused by the fact that there were many Indians and Blacks and people who were of mixed race including Indians and Blacks who continued to practice some traditional elements of their culture. A number of Honduran government policies developed from these beliefs including "mestizaje", the promotion of immigration by Europeans to Latin America including offering free land and citizenship within one year if the settler settled in Indian lands by Honduras, "españolizacion" programs in schools to teach Indians and Blacks to speak Spanish and to try to get them to adopt the national culture, and immigration policies that limited and finally curtailed the immigration of "undesirable races", including from 1934-1949 a law against the entrance of Blacks into Honduras even as tourists.

 

This has been highlighted in a number of recent publications such as Conversaciones Historicas con el mestizaje y su Identidad Nacional  by Dario Euraque, Race, Nation and West Indian Immigration to Honduras 1890-1940 by Glenn Chambers, and Blackness in Central America: Between Race and Place by Lowell Gudmonson and Justin Wolfe. The title of one UN published book described the previous attempts at ethnodevelopment as ethnogenocide, causing Latin American Indians and Blacks to lose their cultures and religious practices, their languages, traditional technologies (traditional medecine, traditional food cultivation, hunting, fishing, gathering, preparation and conservation techniques,  architecture, forest conservation techniques and crafts, etc.), and their lands. 

 

Particularly in the area of education, these policies led to very harsh policies against the languages and practices of the traditional Indians and Afro-Hondurans.  For example, a former Lenca bilingual education representative was surprised to hear that the Lencas during the Classic period of Copán had a very similar level of civilization to the Mayas with small states, highly developed crafts which were exported internationally to Guatemala, El Salvador and Mexico, extensively developed agriculture, and temple-pyramids. She said, "When I was growing up, we were taught the worst things you could be is a Lenca Indian." Garifunas who spoke Garifuna in school were made fun of by the teachers who were themselves Garifunas. "Don't speak that guruguru," one teacher in Trujillo would say.

 

The Garifuna children were also punished for speaking Garifuna, such as being made to stand in the corner with their arms outstretched for an extended period of time. Miskitos and Bay Islanders say, "We learned Spanish by pure blood, a puro sangre"  because they were beaten if they did not follow instructions they did not undertand or if they spoke English or Miskito in school.  My Pech friend Juana who spoke to her children, husband, and mother  in Pech at home, was scolded by the teacher of the elementary school when her oldest daughter Isabel entered school without being able to speak Spanish.

 

These harsh practices in schools were combined with a very negative attitude of the Catholic church towards traditional ceremonies, music in the indigenous languages and religious dances , which seemed to have gotten stricter in the 1940's when foreign missionaries arrived in Guatemala and Honduras. For example, in Sangrelaya, the Catholic priest refused a Catholic funeral mass to Garifunas who composed Garifuna religious songs such as for a dugu and who cured with medicinal plants and other traditional rituals. Differences over not permitting traditional religious practices by Lencas of Yamaranguila, Intibucá in the Catholic Church there finally led to the Lencas physically attacking the priest who had to be smuggled out of the town by helpers and the priest cursing the town, which has resulted in a number of catastrophes according to a Lenca who grew up there.

 

The Evangelical and Protestant churches, such as have been active among Bay Islanders, North Coast Black English speakers, and Miskito Indians for decades and now exist in or near most Honduran ethnic groups, were extremely against traditional religous practices which often included dances, traditional music on traditional instruments, songs in native languages, incense, alcohol, tobacco or other burnt leaves, and traditional medicines, because they considered them pagan practices. These policies have caused the loss and endangerment of many of Honduras's Indian languages such as Lenca, Nahua, Matagalpa (all extinct in Honduras), and Tolupan, Chorti, and Pech (endangered) and the loss of songs, ceremonies, mythology or oral literature in the native languages, as well as medicinal plant knowledge, and the knowledge of how to make traditional instruments and other crafts. 

 

These policies are documented in Atanasio Herranz's book Estado, Poder, y Lenguage  (State, Power and Language) on the political policies towards minority languages in Honduras and the effects in the areas of dances, clothes, musical instruments, and ceremonies with songs in the native languages in the colonial period, 19th century, and 20th century, are documented in David's book. 

 

The arrival and influences of non-Central Americans including by immigration of Africans, Afro-Caribbeans and Europeans who spoke different languages (English, Spanish, French, German, etc.) and later the arrival and influence of non-Central American music, dances, and clothing styles through radio, TV, cassettes, rockolas and records, victrolas, TV, and movies is documented. The fact that this non-Central American music and dance has ultimately taken over most of the social spaces of most non-ceremonial Honduran music, is also documented.

 

Garifuna Dances in Flores' Book         

In Tomas Alberto Avila's book Black Carib-Garifuna, there is a list and description of all the documented Garifuna dances and styles of music in Belize, but the author laments that there is not a similar list and description of Garifuna dances in Honduras. In David's book, there are extensive sections including over 30 Garifuna dances, ceremonies which include dances, instruments, and music in Honduras together with many photos of Garifunas from Barrio Cristales, Trujillo and Tegucigalpa doing these dances by me when I was living in Trujillo at the time as a volunteer with bilingual intercultural education and teaching anthropology in La Ceiba at the UPN on the weekends.

 

After my collaboration with David on this book, I expanded this information and included it in my book Los Garifunas de Honduras, the result of a 10 year study, together with other photos of Garifunas of Trujillo doing these dances. In that book, I was able to find the African origins of some of the Garifuna dances or their music like Mascaro's music coming from the Songhay area north of Ghana, Punta music and dance being related to a dance done by Bantu speakers for example in the Congo region, and Abeimajani and Arumajani (the semi-sacred men and women's songs and gestured dances done without drums) being related to a Bantu dance where all the participants link their little fingers.  

 

These two books documenting the Honduran Garifuna dances, particularly of Trujillo, but also includes other communities in Atlántida, Colón, and the Bay Islands, shows some differences between the well documented Garifuna music and ceremonies of Belize and the music and ceremonies of the Garifuna in Honduras. Unfortunately there are some spelling errors in the Garifuna names of dances or parts of ceremonies in David's book, due to the typist not knowing how to spell the Garifuna words, but the descriptions, most dance names, and photos are good.

 

David also included my photos and studies of the music and dances of other Afro-Honduran groups like the Bay Islanders, North Coast Black English speakers, and Miskitos and Honduran Indian groups like the Pech in his book. David and I collaborated on most of the rest of the book as well including studies of the dances of the Tawahkas, the Lencas, and the Chortis and the classifications of the dances and the ethnic groups. When the book was published, the Garifuna Emergency Committe of Trujillo, where I volunteered, organized a presentation of the book in Trujillo. David and I spoke, and copies of the book were donated to Trujillo Garifuna dance clubs, elementary schools, and the local library. The Mayor's Office of Tegucigalpa also organized a large book presentation in Tegucigalpa after the book was published, where David's Folkdance Group Zots also performed some of the dances.

 

The Ceremonies and Dances of the Nahuas of Honduras and Central America

This book was researched prior to the forming of the Nahua Federation in the muncipios of Guata, Jano and Catacamas, Olancho, which is why there are only a few mentions of the Nahuas of Honduras. The Nahuas of Olancho still remember some elements of their traditional ceremonies, including offering incense to the Gods, the sacrificing of Nahuas in a secret sacred place in a cave beside a body of water, and dances of Nahua women in white dresses.  These memories match colonial era Spanish descriptions of ceremonies of Pipiles (Nahua speakers)of El Salvador and the Indians of the Olancho Valley. For example, in colonial era El Salvador, the Pipiles sacrificied a Pipil (Nahua speaking) child at the beginning of the rainy season on 25 April or May 3 (Day of the Cruz in Honduras and these are still important days for ceremonies among Lencas and Chortis in Honduras) and also on November 2 at the end of the rainy season, according to the Spanish language Wikipedia article on the Señorío de Cuscatlan and Mitologia Pipil (Pipil Mythology).

 

November 2 is now celebrated as the Day of the Dead by Indian and non-Indian Hondurans. It is when the Maya-Chortis offer the ceremony of Tzkim, when ayote   squash which has the form of a head, is prepared in different ways as well as other foods and activities. Spanish colonial officials wrote reports of priests offering incense to idols in temples near Olancho El Viejo. During big celebrations in pre-Columbian times, while the Nahua priest was offering incense, other people would have been doing other activities including singing, playing traditional musical instruments, dancing, and at some point sacrificing the victims, as reported among the Aztecs of Mexico, the Pipils of El Salvador and Guatemala, and the Indians of Trujillo who had chiefs and towns with Nahuatl or Nahua  names. 

 

Modern Aztec dancers from Mexico tour the US during the summer demonstrating the type of dances and music that were done at similar Aztec (Nahuatl speaker) ceremonies in Mexico.  Nahua or Nahuat or Nawa (the language of the Pipils in Central America and many Indians in Mexico, including the Toltecs) and Nahuatl (the language of the Aztecs) are dialects of the same language, like Spanish from Spain and Spanish in Honduras, so it makes sense that Nahua Indians in Central America had practices similar to the Aztecs and Toltecs of Mexico with whom they had commercial and possibly political relations. One US anthropologist writing about the Chorti theorizes these may have been Mesoamerican wide practices (Mesoamerica included part of Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador, part of Nicaragua and part of Honduras), which might be part of the explanation why Honduran Chortis and Lencas now celebrate the same dates as Pipils, the Aztecs, and the Nahuas did in the colonial period and why all the Indians in this area celebrated with similar types of ceremonies.   

 

The Rescue of Honduran Folkdances since Flores' Book

Since the publication of David's pioneering book in 2003, there has been a renewed interest in rescuing the folkdances of Honduran Indians, partly as a result of training teachers for bilingual-intercultural education. The Pech Indians have rescued three traditional folkdances which were used during certain religious ceremonies like Kech (held on the occasion on a family member's death). Pech folkdance groups have been formed in Pueblo Nuevo Subirana, Silin/Moradel and El Carbon and Pech music has been recorded to accompany the dances. David rescued and choreographed two Tolupan (Xicaque) folkdances from Montaña de la Flor, Francisco Morazan which the participants of Zots dance, including in traditional Tolupan tunic, called the baladran. The Maya-Chorti of Carrizalon, Copán Ruinas have formed a folkdance group which dances five Honduran Maya-Chorti folkdances.

 

While David's book includes 15 Miskito dances, many more exist.  Honduran Miskito Indian Jairo Wood, the director of the high school in Brus Laguna, Gracias a Dios, has recently written two books on Miskito music and dance and taped a CD of Miskito music.  These, together with the new book by his uncle Miskito Indian Scott Wood La Mosquitia desde Adentro (the Mosquitia from the Inside) being published this year by the Honduran Ministry of Culture together with the Miskito grammar book by Miskito Erasmo Ordoñes, represent the largest amount of books by Miskito authors on the history, language and culture of the Miskitos published in the history of Honduras.

 

Also as a result of bilingual education, many Garifuna schools now have traditional Garifuna folkdance groups, musicians, and choirs which sing the Honduran National Anthem in Garifuna. Also, for 40 years there has existed a National Garifuna Folklore Ballet, which was formerly part of the Ministry of Culture, and now has a more autonomous status. During Manuel Zelaya's presidency, the National Garifuna Folklore Ballet performed for him, Trujillo Garifunas and Ladinos, and the national press in Trujillo, as part of the celebration of African Heritage Month. In April, the arrival of the Garifunas in Honduras on April 12, 1797 is celebrated, as is the incorporation of the Bay Islands and the Mosquitia into Honduras in 1860, and the Afro-Mestizo heritage of many Ladinos.

 

The changing of Honduran policies from "mestizaje" to the offiicial recognition as a multicultural, multilingual nation as signaled by the presidential decree founding PRONEEAAH (Programa Nacional de Educación para las Etnias Autoctonas y Afro-Antillanas de Honduras) (1994), the approval of ILO Convention 169 (1995), and under current President Pepe Lobo, the creation of the new Ministry of Indian Peoples and Afro-Hondurans and the General Directorate of Bilingual Intercultural Education--DGEIM (2013) is having an effect of opening possibilities for the rescue and documentation of Honduras popular minority cultures.

 

Flores' Book Caused Controversy

In addition to descriptions and photos of the dances and the different ethnic groups, the book begins with a theory about folklore and the history of the collection of Honduran folklore with photos of the leaders in collecting Honduran folklore, as related to folkdances. Prior to David's book, the principal books on Honduran folklore and dances were by Honduran Rafael Manzanares, which he began investigating and writing in the 1950's.

 

Manzanares is regarded almost like a saint among Honduras' more than 300 Ladino folkdance instructors. In addition to researching and publishing the first books on Honduran folkdances and the costumes worn while doing folkdances, he started the first Office of Folklore in Honduras, which was at first in the Ministry of Education and then in the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. He also collected the music that accompanied the folkdances. He trained many folkdance instructors, most of whom were teachers, and almost all folkdance instructors have read his books and use casettes of folkdance music he collected. Because the Pan-American Highway was being built then in Southern Honduras, most of the folkdances, folkdance clothes styles, and music he collected were from southern Honduras or from the Lenca areas like the departments of La Paz and Intibucá.  He also classified Honduran folkdances.

 

David's folkdance book is extremely controversial among Ladino folkdance instructors principally because it changes the classification scheme of Manzanares.  

 

According to Rafael Manzanares, danzas indígenas  (Indian folkdances) were the dances now done by Ladinos which originally had been danced by Honduran Indians and were later adopted by Ladinos. He was apparently able to use this classification in that way because he did not believe that there were any living Indians in Honduras, even though he documented Lenca Indian clothes in La Paz and Intibucá, Indian clothes in Choluteca, and some folkdances he documented like Las Escobas (The Brooms) in La Paz, were directly related to Lenca Indian religious structures and practices.

 

For example, the name of the dance refers to the brooms that the Lenca women would decorate, carry, and go and clean the church and the place of the Lenca cofradia  (a Catholic religious organization responsible for organizing the fair, religious observances in the absence of the priest, and administering the Indians' funds from the lands belonging to the cofradia) in anticipation of the election of the new "mayordomo" (steward) who was the administrator of the cofradia. But since David called the dances by modern living Honduran Indians "danzas indígenas" (Indian folkdances), he had to call the dances by the Ladinos something else. So he called them "danzas mestizas o ladinas de influencia indígena" (Ladino or mestizo dances with Indian influence).

 

Also, Manazanares had called the dances like the waltz (sometimes called vals and sometimes called déstros  in Honduran Spanish, from the phrase "Play one (waltz) by Strauss" which became shortened to Toque un déstros), the schottische (called chotis in Honduran Spanish), and the Lancers (Los Lanceros) "danzas coloniales" (colonial era dances) and the clothes worn to dance them "vestuario colonial" (colonial clothes), even though the historical record shows that these dances were primarily done by the Honduran elite, especially in Comayagua, during the 19th century rather than in the colonial period. The female "colonial clothes", such as dress known as "tipo princesa"  (a princess style dress) is a style known to be from the mid-19th century, while the men's clothes he called "colonial clothes" match photos of the uniforms of the  municipal police from the 1920's .

 

The "frak"  (frock coat) was what was worn by the Honduran elite men on formal occasions in the 19th century, according to Honduran paintings.  So these dances were reclassified as "danzas de la burguesia del tiempo de la republica"  (dances by the upper class during the Republican period) to separate them from religious dances that were danced in the colonial period, like Moors and Christians, (danzas coloniales religosas) and the social dances of the poor Ladinos in the 19th century (danzas de la clase popular en el periodo de la república).

 

These changes, particularly the reclassifying of what were "danzas indígenas" (Indian dances) to being Ladino dances, has caused hard feelings, resentment, and open enemies among a sizable number of the other Ladino folkdance instructors and members of the National Folkdance Group towards David. His response has been, if anyone wants to seriously research Honduran folkdances they will have to consult this book, whether they agree with it or not. (2/20/13)

 

Note: The author is a writer and historian. She was a frequent contributor to Honduras This Week. Wendy Griffin is widely known for her understanding of the ethnic groups of Honduras, and she is the author of several books, including "Gods, Heroes and Men in the Pech Mythical Universe", "The Ogre Who Carried Away a Boy and Other Stories", and "The Historical Evolution of Honduran Folk Dances". David Flores' book is for sale on Garinet Global.

Read 5651 times (leido 5651 Times) as of January 24, 2015

 
There is another HondurasWeekly.com article related to David Flores as choreographer, as he choreographed the 6,000 Honduran Young people who participated in the cultural night prior to the dedication of the Mormon Temple in Tegucigalpa. This presentation was seen country wide on Honduran TV, where it was televised twice, and internationally on Bringham Young University (BYU) TV. There is a Wikipedia in Spanish article on David Flores, also. There were a number of Honduras This Week articles related to David Flores's work with Honduran folk dances both of results of his research later published in this book and of his work with Honduran Young people who are the dancers of his folkdance group "Zotz" and also his research on Honduran folk dance clothes. The book of his research on Honduran folk dance clothes of all ethnic groups, precolumbian to present, with input from Wendy Griffin is currently in press now in 2015.

No hay comentarios.:

Publicar un comentario