American Racist Development theories, the
Immigration of Honduran Blacks to the US, and the Policy of Mestizaje--why
Honduran Blacks and Indians have been Invisible
The website of the Honduran Minister of
Culture Garifuna Dr. Tulio Mariano Gonzales stated that it was the position of
this government (of President Pepe Lobo) that culture can be an “eje” (axis) of
development(www.scad-gob.hn). These
politics represent significant changes from the period 1929-1950 when in
Honduras it became illegal for Blacks to come to Honduras, either to immigrate
or to even come as tourists as researchers. Harvard professor Herscovits tried
to send a Black researcher to study the Garifunas, but he was denied entry
(Euraque, 2004). Many non-Honduran Blacks who were residing in Honduras, mostly
English speaking Blacks from the Caribbean Islands working for the banana
companies were repatriated, sometimes with only a few days notice and house to
house searches for them (Chambers, 2010, and reports by older Garifunas like
Sebastian Marin).
This was partly caused by an extremely
racist theory of development that Indian and Black cultures, as taught by the
United States and Cuban Eugenics experts in a Conference “First Pan-American
Conference on Eugenics and Homogenous Culture”
in 1927, impeded the Latin American and US countries from developing and
that countries could improve their chances of developing by limiting
immigration of “undesirable races” including at various times Blacks, Chinese,
Indians from India, Palestinian Arabs, Jews and others and encouraging
immigration of white Europeans. This was in line with the Scientific Racism of
the period. In the US and all of Central America laws were set up restricting
immigration by race and thousands of Afro-Caribbean workers in Central American had to return home to
countries like Jamaica. Many of these
Afro-Caribbean families displaced from Central America eventually migrated to
the US(Gudmundson and Wolfe,2012). For
example the Jamaican father of Veronica Airey, former Deputy Mayor of Hartford,
Connecticut, was born in Honduras, but had to flee there as a child with his parents due to anti-Black immigration
laws, according to her own reports.
There has been a lot of international
interest and research on the history of Afro-Hondurans and Afro-Central
Americans recently including several books since 2000 by Trinity College
professor Dr. Dario Euraque, Tulane Professor Justin Wolfe, Texas A and M Professor Glenn Chambers,
Honduran UPN and UNAH Professor Dr. Jorge Amaya Banegas, and University of
Costa Rica professor Rina Caceres. The academic journal Negritud, edited by Dr.
Luis Miletti and based in Atlanta, Georgia which specializes in studies of
Afro-Latin Americans, is preparing a special bilingual (English/Spanish)
edition on Central American Blacks and the on-line Journal AFEHC published in January 2013 a special edition
in Spanish on Central America Blacks (www.afehc-historia-cantroamericana.org).
International conferences on Afro-Central Americans have been organized in the
US and in Honduras since 2000. Dr. Sarah England of Soka University in
California whose book is available on Amazon.com was the first to study the
role of Afro-Central Americans in New York, specifically Garifunas, in the
struggles of lands rights and other rights in Central America. Other multi-site
international studies have looked at the role of remittances sent back by the
Garifunas in New York to the development of Honduras and how immigration has
affected the Garifuna communities in Honduras.
Other researchers like Dr. Mark Anderson of UC-Santa Cruz have looked at
the question of identity in the Garifuna communities in the US and Honduras. The
book Diaspora Conversions looks at how being in New York among other
Afro-Caribbean peoples has changed the Garifuna or as he calls it Black Carib
religion from how it was practiced in Honduras and in Belize.
Wikipedia now has a lot of pages on
Afro-Central Americans, including Garifunas, dugu, Garifuna Americans, individual
pages for many Garifuna musical artists like Andy Palacio, Paul Nabor, and
Aurelio Martinez , and other Afro-Hondurans like Miskitos, Afro-Mestizos, and Black English speakers. For more than 250 years, the Miskitos had
their own kingdom and their own king.
Previously little was known about them, but now not only is there a list
of all the Miskito kings on the History of the Miskito Coast and when they
reigned, but each Miskito king has his own Wikipedia webpage. The Garifuna villages of Colon east of
Trujillo originally were ruled by the Miskito Indian king rather than the
Honduran government before 1860, which gave them freedom to maintain their
traditional culture and language(Griffin and CEGAH,2005).
Honduran History professor Dr. Dario
Euraque (2004b) believes that the strong anti-Black sentiment in Honduras in
the 1920’s and 1930’s was partly caused by a mistake. Hondurans who arrived to
North Coast towns like Tela, La Ceiba, and Trujillo saw thousands of Blacks and
assumed that they were all Blacks from other countries like Jamaica, and Belize
come to take jobs away from native born Hondurans. Both studies by Euraque
(Euraque, 2004b) and Dr. Glenn Chambers (Chambers, 2010) show that only a small
portion of these Blacks were Afro-Antillan immigrants, and that the majority
were native Honduran born Garifunas and Black Bay Islanders.
Miskito Indians, Honduran Afro-Mestizos,
and some US born Blacks also worked for the banana companies in Honduras. In addition to expelling the foreign born
English speaking Blacks from Honduras, the Honduran government undertook
“españolización” campaigns (trying to make Afro-Hondurans adopt Spanish language
and culture) through the Honduran schools, affecting the cultures and languages
of the Garifuna, North Coast Black English speaker, and Bay Islanders. . The
categories of Black, mulatto and Indian were dropped from birth certificates
and census records, partly in an attempt to present a public appeareance of a
mestizo (mixture of Indian and European) country, perhaps to attract foreign
investors.
This combination of policies which makes
invisible modern Indians and Blacks, as well as other minorities like
Palestinian Arabs, Jews, and Chinese, is known as “mestizaje”, and has been
researched in a number of countries including Mexico, El Salvador, Costa Rica,
and Nicaragua, and existed as far south as Chile. So if the Garifunas have been invisible, it
is partly due to an official policy adopted by many Latin American countries.
According to Dr. Justin Wolfe, in Nicaragua the adoption of this policy was
heavily influenced by the racist attitudes of Americans and Europeans towards
the local Nicaraguans, including the President and other government officials. They thought, “How can the English recognize
the Miskito King and the Miskito Kingdom which was made up of Indians and
Blacks, and not recognize us, the Criollos (children of the Spanish born in
Latin America), Mestizos and Ladinos of the Pacific Coast of Nicaragua, because
of our racially mixed background?”
(Gudmunson and Wolfe, 2012).
These American racist attitudes continued or
worsened in the 1920’s and 1930’s, and in official American diplomatic
correspondence about the then president of the Honduran congress and second in
command of the Honduran Army and later Honduran President Tiburcio Carias, they
considered him “racially inferior”.
According to Carias’s nephew, President Carias had strongly Indian
features and was known as the “ el Indio de Bronce” (the Indian of Bronze). He
was from a Lenca Indian part of Honduras.
To counter the anti-Indian sentiment against the Hondurans who were of
mixed Indian-European heritage, under Carias the Honduran money came to be
called “Lempira” for a legendary Lenca Indian chief who rose up against the
Spanish in the 1500’s, Honduran schools celebrate “Lempira Day”, the Mayan
ruins of Copan were opened as an archaeological park, and Parque La
Conconcordia, a Tegucigalpa park with models of Mayan Ruins, was built and opened (Euraque,2004a). Before Carias, the
Central Plaza of the Mayan Ruins at Copan, now world famous, had been rented
out to local owners to plant corn, even though archaeological work started
there in the 1890’s by US universities like Harvard, according to local
residents.
But at that time, the leading ideologues of
Carias’s Nationalist Party were very anti-Black (and anti-Chinese), and the
discriminatory immigration policies and the other policies of “mestizaje” were
introduced, strongly affecting the Garifuna language and culture. While many of
the Honduran politicians and their friends and families from the Tegucigalpa
merchant class had never been to the North Coast and actually seen the Garifuna
or Bay Islanders, they were distressed by the competition of Chinese and Palestinian merchants, and limited immigration of
“undesirable races” in general, suggests the Honduran writer for http://www.angelfire.com/ca5/mas/etnias/chino/chino.html
in his book review of Jorge Amaya Banegas’s book “Los Chinos de Ultramar en
Honduras” (The Overseas Chinese in Honduras).
Honduran President Carias is also
remembered among the Garifunas for the Massacre of San Juan, a Garifuna village
near Tela. Carias believed that the
Garifunas of San Juan were responsible for bringing in by canoe contraband or
smuggled rifles into Honduras for General Umaña and possibly General Umaña
himself. General Umaña was at that time
in rebellion against General Carias. Honduran soldiers from El Progreso went to
San Juan and told the Garifuna men that they were organizing a clean up
campaign and they should get shovels and come back and dig trenches in the
beach. Some men, including the uncle of
Garifuna painter and dancer Herman. Alvarez, ran away at that point, but others
came back and dug the trenches. The soldiers told them they were going to take
a photo to line up by the trenches. So
the Garifuna men lined up and the soldiers shot them all and buried them in the
trenches they had dug, reported San Juan resident Herman Alvarez and Profesor
Batiz.. Much of what was left of the population of San Juan immigrated to Stann
Creek (now Dangriga) and Hopkins, Belize, including Herman’s uncle who never
returned (Arrivillaga Cortés, 2007). These massacred Garifunas are still
remembered such as in a recent article on OFRANEH’s blog www.ofraneh.wordpress.com. A
Garifuna friend of mine in Trujillo wrote a page to commemorate these killed
Garifunas on May 1, Worker’s Day in Honduras, as a way to remember these men
who had just been trying to make a little money hauling who knows what in
boxes.
After that many Honduran Garifunas were
members of the opposition Liberal Party, which was persecuted under the Carias
government. Both Garifunas and Black
Islanders, like former Bay Islands Congressman Thomas Green, reported having to
leave in the night in a canoe for Belize suddenly because they were sought by
soldiers for their activities in the Liberal Party. Both the Comandante de
Plaza of Trujillo General Zanabria and his Lieutenant for Iriona, Colon where many large Garifuna communities are
located, were reported to have had private cementaries, according to US
historian Louise Donnell, so the threat was serious if the soldiers were
looking for them. Even former Honduran
President Roberto Reina was for a time a prisoner of Carias for his work in the
Liberal Party of Honduras. From Belize
the Hondurans political exiles immigrated to the US in the 1930’s. That was the beginning of Garifuna
immigration to the US, according to Garifuna teacher Claudio Mejia. The story
of the Massacre of San Juan is told in a book by Garifuna teacher from the Tela
area Virgilio Lopez (Lopez Garcia,1994).My version of the Massacre was told by
Garifunas Hernan Alvaez and Profesor Santos Angel Batiz.
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